Heroic China

Dublin Core

Title

Heroic China

Subject

Politics and Government - Military; Second United Front

Description

A history of the Chinese Communist Party from its birth to the formation of the Second United Front.
Transcript of pamphlet text:

Other Books and Pamphlets on CHINA The Revolutionary Movement in the Colonial . Countries~ WangM ing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I0 Report to Seventh congress of the Conuhunist International. war in the ~ a~ ra s t ~ ~ eHn& r. y . . . . . . . .: . . I0 .. Bed China- President Mao Tse- tzmg . .; : . . . . . . . . OS W eSov iets and partisan areas di~ cqssedb y the leader of the Chineae Red Army. War in China- Ray stewart E,, mT4mm , w F~ v, Le ;, k,,! j5 * Yd'.,, " * v31 v *-, Chinese Toiling Women: How They &. q5Helping , the Chinese Soviets . . . . . . . . . . . .&$.&. .&. . a . 05 China's Red Army Marches- Agms Smedley. . . 1.60 Landlord and Peasant in Chinaxhen Hem- seng 2.00 The Fundamental Laws of the Chinese Soviet Republic . . . . . . . . . . . . . + +. ., . ,. .7 5 *-. a ~ Order from your nearest booksbop or from WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS P. 0. Box 14<, Sta. D New York City HAPTER 1 The Semi- Colonial Position of China NA IS AN ENORMOUS COUNTRY. She has an area of 11 ,- ,000 square kilometers, and in size she is second only to the . S. R. She is larger than all the countries of Europe put ther. She has a population of 450,000,000. history of the Chinese people goes back 5,000 years. It uced prominent thinkers, brilliant generals and remark-inventors. It has created an extensive literature in the most d branches of knowledge. It has achieved enormous successes iculture and manufacture. Two thousand years before the t era the magnetic compass was known in China. The nese invented and used gun powder long before the Europeans. e Chinese learned to manufacture pnper in the second century present era and in the seventh century printing from type on boards was invented. In the eleventh century separate invented. For many centuries China was tal ware and dyes which preserved their and color for ages. The Chinese people are noted for achment to their country, their remarkable diligence and s, China today is one of the most backward is a semi- colonial country, and it is this that determines tion. The international imperialists are rending the living China and trampling upon the national sentiments of this reat people. The international imperialists are subjecting the vast illions of the Chinese toilers to ruthless exploitation and are them to poverty and starvation. ring and strengthening the survivals of feudalism in the international imperialists have made the condition s of the Chinese peasants absolutely intolerable. More d the best land at that, belongs to the land-lords. Bondage to the landlord, monstrously high rents, an un-le burden of military imposts and taxation, high usurer's t as well as the whole system of imperialist bondage and citation are utterly ruining the masses of the Chinese peasants. The Economic Backwardness of China agrarian country, but only 10 per cent of the total untry is cultivated. Not all the land is fit for culti-of the land that is fit for cultivation only 26 characteristic that in recent years the area ion has not been expanding but shrinking. system falling into ruin, enormous areas d are being transformed into deserts. Large tracts of land flooded and transformed into swamps because nobody trouble to regulate the flow of the rivers. The ruined ition to cultivate the land and are aban-present conditions the land cannot feed them. t, the area of land under cultivation is steadily ural country but, paradoxical as it may , she is compelled to import food, and 8 per cent of the wheat e requires is imported from abroad. Although she could produce bundance, she even has to import the raw materials ly developed flour milling and cotton industries. rich in natural resources, but only a very small part of eposits are calculated at 1 output of coal is only 00 tons are obtained ct that coal is to be osits very convenient for lated at 1,000,000,000 0 tons and the greater used to satisfy her own nomic backwardness ot China is evident from the cent of her cotton yarn and 40 per cent of her n on hand looms. Half the total consumption of is met with non- factory production. In coal mining ing, from 25 to 30 per cent of the workings are employing primitive methods. China makes hard-rich water power resources ( rivers), oil deposits deposits of non- ferrous metals for her own economic e population of China represents one- fourth of the total lation of the globe. She possesses rich deposits of useful raw share of the world output of these is as follows 1 . . . . . . . . . 0.6 Lead . . . . . . . . . 0.1 ore . . . . . 0 .5 Tin . . . . . . . . . 5 . 0.22 No. spindles . . . . . 3 ig won . . . . . . . . 0.35 Raw silk . . . . . . . IS. These figures strikingly illustrate the industrial backwardness oreign capital does all it can to retard the all- sided develo of the productive forces of China. In spite of this, e invasion of international imperialism has been ace he development of capitalist relationships and the growt hinese working class. At the present time there ar ndustrial workers in China, and over 12,000, OO 0 in the handicraft and domestic industries. The rking class is a very formidable force. The most compact unl the Chinese proletariat are concentrated in factories be1 oreign capital. The long working day, miserable wages, ployment, complete lack of rights, the absence of a aws for the protection of labor and national oppressio t of the Chinese workers. They have to bear international imperialism, i. e., ruthless ssion. It is not surprising, therefore ass is the most compact force and t t fighter in the national liberati The Imperialist Enslavement of China The international imperialists, having seized all the economic key positions in China, are retarding and distorting the economic development of the country. They own all the important factories and works. The control and management of the railroads and of the water and air transport systems are concentrated in their hands. They control the financial life of the country with the aid of their banks and the loans they have forced upon China. The imperialists control the customs and the salt monopoly. With the aid of the Chinese landlords, usurers and merchants, the impe-ialists have entangled the masses of the Chinese peasantry in a exploitation. After ruining the ancient and most important s of agriculture, MS., tea and silk, the imperialists are irecting the development of agriculture on lines that entirely uit their interests. By fostering and utilizing the survivals of m in the country, the international imperialists doom agriculture to a state of chronic crisis. h the aid of the bayonet the international imperialists are menting the economic enslavement of China with political vement. They subject the Chinese to incredible restrictions eir own land. The imperialist powers have unrestricted rule he so- called " leased territories" which they wrested from by force. They are complete masters in the so- called foreign oncessions and settlements. They maintain their garrisons on ese territory. They introduced the system of extra- territorial-nder which foreigners are not subject to Chinese law and t be tried in Chinese courts. Doing all they can to diminish reduce the political independence of China, the imperialists of the Chinese people into the state of mi- colonial slaves. Fostering and utilizing on of China in their own interests, the introducing a regime of colonial ter to the vital interests of the whole oppression and exploitation of the international se to a powerful national liberation movement masses of the Chinese toilers are realizing ore and more that it is necessary to wage a determined struggle or the complete economic and political independence of their try. Larger and larger masses of the Chinese people are rally-the call for the overthrow of the yoke of imperialism and e abolition of the survivals of feudalism. This movement grown particularly fast in the post- war period as a result of he inspiring example of the victorious great October Revolution ussia. In this period the Communist Party of China, the stalwart and consistent fighter for the national and social e Chinese people, entered the arena of the history of the revolutionary national liberation in China in the post- war years and the history of the ent of the Communist Party of China that we chapters of this pamphlet. CHAPTER I1 China After the World Imperialist War. The Birth of the Communist Party PEOPLE were strongly under the illusion that the over Germany would bring relief to China and that the unequal treaties that were imposed upon China d and annulled. As is well known, China belonged e group of powers which was victorious in the world im$- t war. Therefore she had the right to expect that the Versailles Conference would at least restore to her the Shantung ula and the Port of Tsingtao which previously had been by the Germans and which were occupied by the Japanese uring the war. At the opening of the Conference President Wilson promised that as soon as the League of Nations was estab-lished every assistance would be given to China to enable her to om her state of inequality and to help the Chinese bhc to become an absolutely independent and a great state. of these declarations and expectations the Versailles Treaty s 1 5 6- 1 5 8) sanctioned Japanese usurpation and formally ed to Japan all German rights and privileges in Shantung. he Versailles Conference the victors not only plundered entral Powers but, taking advantage of the ection of China, legalized the further partition avement of that country. n of May 4, 1919 Conference outraged the na-mese people, and as soon as the news ecisions reached China, a powerful wave ot popular up against the signing of the treaty, against the perialists and against the Peking government which consisted of representatives of the pro- Japanese Anfu clique. On May 4, 1919, a demonstration of 15,000 students was held in Peking. The students marched to the Legation Quarters and submitted a petition to the Ministers of the Allied Powers, de-manding justice for China. On that day the demonstrators wrecked and burned down the house of the universally- hated Minister for Railways, whom they denounced as a " traitor who had sold China to Japan". The government took repressive measures against the students in Peking and in retaliation the latter declared a strike. A stu-dents' union was organized, a wide anti- Japanese cam initiated and a fresh boycott of Japanese goods was d a result of the boycott Japanese trade with China nearly 40 per cent. This movement, and the boycott in part was supported by the Chinese bourgeoisie who mad a result of the reduction of Japanese imports. The Japanese movement, particularly in its first stages, favorably by Anglo- American capital, which hoped ment would weaken the position and curb the a Japanese capitalists in China. But despite the plan American and Chinese bourgeoisie, day after da umed wider dimensions an tical strikes broke out in various industria e of students', workers', and me country. Street demonstrations a idable character. re of the growing mass movement the Peking compelled to make certain concessions. It re-predatory Versailles Treaty. It yielded t demand of the students for the dismissal of the three most Ministers whom they regarded as the " betrayers of the i of China". Soon, Tuan Chi- jui, the head of the ment, was compelled to flee from the capital. In the so- called Coalition Government consisting of of the Fengtien clique and the Chihli group came The former were agents of Japanese capital, and the latter were pro- British and American. The Chihli group, headed by Tsao Kun and Wu Pei- fu, acquired more and more influence in the government, and in June, 1922, they removed the representatives of the Fengtien clique from office and filled all the ministerial posts with their own men. At first the Kuomintang stood aside from the rapidly grow-ing anti- imperialist movement. Notwithstanding the enormous influence it enjoyed among the masses, the Sun Yat- sen ora; an-ization was still at that time a conspiratorial organization which placed its hopes upon the " revolutionary generals". It is charac-teristic that when a delegation of students arrived in Canton and urged the leaders of the Kuomintang to support the nascent movement, Sun Yat- sen refused on the ground that the Kuo-mintang was weak. Influence of the October Revolution The great October Revolution in Russia gave a powerful impetus to the anti- imperialist struggle in China. Having made a beginning in the world proletarian revolution, the great October Revolution in Russia ushered in a new epoch in the struggle of the Chinese people for national and social liberation. It helped to rouse the class consciousness and to stimulate the organization of the Chinese proletariat. It increased the intellectual equipment of the Chinese revolutionaries and imbued them with confidence in their ultimate victory. It inspired them to wage a self- sacrificing and steadfast struggle for the fundamental interests of the Chinese people. The victorious struggle of the Red Army against the imperialist interventionists and Russian White Guards, the complete abolition of national oppression and inequality over the whole territory of the former Russian empire, the Soviet govern-ment's abandonment of all the predatory enslaving treaties im-posed upon China by the tsarist government- all this roused among the Chinese people enormous sympathy for the Soviet government and greatly increased the popularity of the U. S. S. R. It is true that the news of the revolutionary events in Russia reached China somewhat belatedly. For nearly 18 months China was cut off from Soviet Russia by the barrier of the Kolchak 12 and the Czechoslovakian and Japanese interventionist forces. Only after the Red Army had routed all the White Guard forces and had driven the interventionists out of the coun-try did news of the actual state of affairs in Soviet Russia begin to penetrate into China. It was then that China heard the his-toric appeal of the Soviet government to the Chinese people of July 25, 1919, in which it annulled all secret treaties by which the tsarist government had enslaved the Chinese people. The Soviet government abandoned all the conquests of tsarist Russia and offered to establish friendly relations with China on the basis of absolute equality. On September 27, 1920, the Soviet government again ap-d to the Chinese government to accelerate the establishment iendly relations between the two countries on the basis of lete equality and the mutual respect of interests. Enlarging on e principles of the declaration of 19 19, the Soviet government umerated the main points of the proposed agreement between two countries. The first point again repeated the declaration ( the government of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet epublic declares annulled all treaties concluded between the for-er government of Russia and China, abandons all conquests of rese territory and all Russian concessions in China, and re-es to China without compensation and for all time all that s predatorily seized from her by the tsarist government and e Russian bourgeoisie". These declarations created an enormous impression in China; ey were greeted with enthusiasm by the progressive section of e Chinese people. However, on the instructions of the imperial-powers, the Peking government did all it could to put off negotiations with the U. S. S. R. and it was only on May 31, 1924, that a treaty was signed laying down the general principles upon which a11 questions between the U. S. S. R. and China were to be ettled. These principles reflected the thesis advanced by the Soviet government in its declarations of 19 19 and 1920. The Peking agreement between China and the Soviet Union of 1924- this only treaty which China has concluded on the basis of complete equality and genuine f riendshipwas welcomed by the Chinese people with tremendous enthusiasm. The Formation of the Communist Party and Trade Unions The year 19 19 saw the beginning of a workers' strike move-ment which assumed wider and wider dimensions as time went on. For example, in 19 18, the number of workers who took part in strikes was 6,500; but in 19 19 the number grew to 9 1,500 ( according to incomplete figures) and in 1921 it had risen to 108,000. In Shanghai, Peking and other towns, the strikes mainly affected Japanese enterprises. The workers obtained partial satis-faction of their demands. The first labor organizations were formed. In 1920 the trade unions in Shanghai celebrated for the first time in China the First of May. At this time various circles and societies sprang up among the Chinese radical intellectuals bearing very characteristic names such as " Regeneration", " The New Youth", " New China", etc. Among the progressive intellectuals a movement was started for the reform of the Chinese language. Translations of European literature, including Marxian literature, became more and more widely circulated. A modern Chinese literature also sprang up reflecting the influence of the growing revolution. Circles were formed for the study of Marxism and the experience of the Russian revolution, and evening classes, clubs, and political study circles were formed for workers. The First Congress of the Communist Party In the beginning of 1920 a group of seven persons who called themselves Communists gathered around Professor Chen Tu- hsiu in Shanghai. This group began to publish a newspaper for workers and set to work to form trade unions. In the middle of 1920 this group already had about 50 adherents in Shanghai. Soon, rade unions were formed in Shanghai for mechanics, printers textile workers. Simultaneously with the formation of the ghai Communist group, similar groups were formed in ing led by Li Ta- chao 2nd Chang Kuo- tao, in Hunan, led by ao Tse- tung and in Hankow and Wuchang headed by Chen - chiu and Tung Pi- wu. By the end of 1920 Communist s had been formed in a number of other important centers in ong Chinese immigrants in France. At first these da groups for the study of the fundamental prin-arxism. In these circles the first cadres of the Com-ovement in China were trained. Congress of the Communist Party of China was held in July, 1921. Thirteen delegate? were present, but not all were Communists. Among them were adherents of anarchism, legal Marxism, biblical socialism and casual fellow-travelers of the Communist movement in general. The very moderate program that was discussed at the congress gave rise to heated debate as some of the delegates regarded it ( particularly the points on discipline, centralism and the ultimate aim of the party) as being too radical. Nevertheless, after a long discussion it was decided that the party call itself the Communist Party and that its aim should be to organize the proletariat under the leader-ship of the party for the capture of political power. From the very first moment of its existence the Communist Party of China suffered severe internal shocks. The anarchist " Communists" broke away. In Peking only two members of the original group were left. In Canton the organization fell entire-ly into the hands of the anarchists and only after some time had elapsed was a new Communist group formed. At the same time the Party purged its ranks of people like Chen Kung- po and Tai Tsi- tao, who had temporarily attached themselves to the Com-munist movement. Subsequently, the latter became the ideological leader of the Right Kuomintang. The group of consistent Com-munists who were inspired by the successes of the U. S. S. R. fought staunchly for a disciplined Bolshevik Party and for a revolutionary trade union movement. The Workers' Secretariat formed in Shanghai under the leadership of the Communists became the center of the working class movement. Particularly strenuous work was carried on by Mao Tse- tung ( now head of the So government in China), Li Ta- chao ( who in 192 7 was tortured death by the militarists in the dungeons of Peking), tao ( now member of the Political Bureau of the C mittee), Tung Pi- wu ( now president of the Suprem the Soviet districts of China), Chen Tan- chiu ( no Commissar of Food Supplies in the Soviet Districts and other comrades. The activities of the Communists were facilitated by the general situation in the country, by the in-creasing activity of the workers and the growth of the anti- im-perialist struggle. The Washington Conference The growing popularity of the Soviet Union and the rapid growth of a wide national movement in China caused consider-able alarm in the camp of the international imperialists. At the same time Great Britain, and particularly the United States, re-garded the strengthening of Japan's position in China and her unceasing expansion as a direct menace to their interests in the Far East. In order to weaken Japan, to prevent the further growth of the liberation movement in China by means of a few con-cessions, to counteract the growing popularity of the U. S. S. R. and to foster the illusion that American capital had a " special mission" in China, the U. S. A. convened a conference in Wnshing-ton which took place from September 12, 1921 to February 6, 1922. The countries represented at this conference were the U. S. A.. Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan, Belgium, Holland, Portugd - a- n-- d China. At this conference the U. S. A. succeeded in securing the breakup of the Anglo- Japanese alliance, a partial limitation of the naval armaments of Great Britain and Japan and the d States. Unlike Great Britain and Japan, the United States no territorial spheres of influence in China, but she strives secure the economic and diplomatic subordination of the whole f China to herself and thus transform the whole of China into colony. Relying on her economic strength the U. S. A. resorts more subtle methods of imperialist penetration and screens by all sorts of liberal phrases. he only practical significance of the Washington Conference was Japan's undertaking to withdraw her troops from . But this obligation did not prevent Japan from send-ing more troops to Shantung as well as to other provinces in China. From the standpoint of the interests of the Chinese people results of the Washington Conference were miserable in-d; but the American imperialists did all they could to exagger-e the importance of this conference and to use it as a means f still further fostering the illusion that American capital was giving disinterested support to China. restitution to China of Shantung. Moreover, Japan undertook to transfer to China the Tsingtao- Tsinanfu Railway for the sum of 53,000,000 gold marks. But this transfer never took place. Nor did France keep the promise she made at the Washington Conference to restore to China the " leased" territory of Kwang-chow- wan. China was promised the right to raise her customs duties an additional 2.5 per cent, but the final decision of this was postponed for a special conference. As a result of the United States pressure the Washington Conference endorsed the principle of the " open door" in China and all the powers declared that they would abandon their efforts to establish " spheres of influence" in China. As is well known, these assurances proved binding neither on Great Britain nor Japan; but this formula fully coincided with the interests of the 16 at as were the hopes which the Chinese people placed on tnnce of the foreign powers, the results of the Versailles shington Conferences caused disappointment among wider ider circles. This was accelerated by the sharp contrast be-the policy of the imperialist powers and the friendly policy towards China pursued by the Soviet Union. e first to abandon all hopes of China receiving assistance mperialist powers was the Chinese proletariat. As its ns grew, its confidence in its own strergth increased, and the bitter experience of the struggle taught it to recognize who were the enemies and who the friends of the liberation move-ment. Developing the strike movement under the growing in-fluence of the Communist Party, the Chinese proletariat passed through the stern school of the class struggle and more and more confidently took the path of the revolutionary struggle in de-fense of national interests. The Hongkong Seamen's Strike notable incident in this struggle was the Hongkong ike which broke out just as the Washington Con-being held. It began on January 12, 1922, under the - cheng, who was not yet a Communist at the , was the recoghized leader of the Chinese and Canton. The principal demand the rward was for an increase in pay. At the end of 000 men were on strike. One hundred and sixty- six steamers of a total tonnage of 280,000 were held port. The strike spread to other branches of industry economic strike, it soon assumed the gle of the Chinese toilers against British ment of Sun Yat- sen which was in power openly supported the strike. Collections for ere made in all the towns of South and Central otwithstanding all the measures of repression taken by the g authorities to suppress the strike, the strikers stood gle the Hongkong government and the d to negotiate and on March 5 an ractically recognizing the seamen's union reases of pay ranging from 15 to 30 per the period of the strike. The strike revealed ized workers in the struggle against the first outstanding victory of the Chinese h imperialists assumed the character of a ary triumph of the whole of the Chinese victorious fight of the Hongkong seamen gave a strong he further development of the working class move-o the growth of the trade unions. lately after the Hongkong strike successful strikes were Shanghai seamen, textile workers, tobacco workers, ce employees. A strike of metal workers in Hankow 15.000 miners in the Province of Hunan also ended victories. ~ u r i Anu~ gu st, September and October, 1922, the principal railways of China went on strike. working class movement was crowned by ngress of Trade Unions held in Canton on this upsurge of the working class move-ommunist Party of China successfully developed its The Second Congress of the Communist Party he Second Congress of the Communist Party of China was n July, 1922. Twenty delegates were present. The Congress ed a resolution to affiliate to the Communist International. A program of action was adopted containing the following points: ( 1) To fight against the feudal militarists; ( 2) T o fight against the imperialists for the complete independence of the Chinese people and their state; ( 3) To fight for the creation of a united, federal, democratic republic; ( 4) To fight for the right of self-determination for Mongolia, Tibet and Sinkiang; ( 5) To fight for free speech, freedom of assembly, free press, right to strike and universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage; ( 6) To fight for an eight- hour day and other improvements for the workers; ( 7) To fight for the abolition of liki between the different provinces) an the establishment of a single tax o , rent law; ( 8) To fight for equal rig improvement in public education. This program, as well as other decisions adopted by the Con-gress, reflected certain weaknesses of the Party such as its in-adequate participation in the national liberation struggle, and its failure properly to understand the importance of the national and uestions and of fighting for the leadership of the masses asantry. work of the Party consisted mainly of teaching revolu-theory and organizing trade unions, primarily of the waymen, seamen, and textile workers. The Party carried on tensive work among the young people. In e guidance of the Communist Party, the F outh Leagues was convened in Canton. At tha eagues had a membership of about 4,000. The In ommunist Party rapidly spread amon e of trade unions, with a total me er the leadership of Communists. The ruggle and the revolutionary demon tariat began to cause increasing alarm among t f the Chinese bourgeoisie, among: the feudal mili titularly among the international imperialists who were only wait-ing for an opportunity to strike a blow at and crush the revolu-tionary movement. This blow was struck at the time of the Peking- Hankow railway strike. The Peking- Hankow Railway Strike In October, 1922, the capitalists started an offensive against workers' organizations. The textile and tobacco workers' strikes in Shanghai were suppressed by military force and the trade unions were broken up. In a short period eleven trade unions were sup pressed in Shanghai. The big strike of 40,000 Kailan miners, which was marked by two bloody conflicts, ended with the sup-pression of the trade union. But particularly sanguinary were the incidents in February, 1923. On February 1, 1923, a conference of railwaymen employed on the Peking- Hankow railway was to have opened. A day before the opening of the conference, General Wu Pei- fu, who had issued an order prohibiting the conference, ordered the military to occupy the premises of the union at Chengchow and to disperse the delegates who had gathered there. In retaliation a strike of railwaymen on the Peking- Hankow railway was called on Feb-ruary 4. On the evening of February 6 a joint conference of foreign consuls, the Chinese military authorities and representa-tives of the railway management was held in Hankow. At this conference it was decided to suppress the strike by military force. Next day in Changhsintien, Chengchow and Hankow the troops opened fire upon crowds of workers. Mass arrests were made. Workers who refused to resume work immediately were beaten to death. All the workers' organizations were suppressed. The heroic conduct during the strike and at the time of their execution of Lin Hsiang- chien, chairman of the railwaymen's union, and the lawyer Shi Yang, roused the admiration of large masses of the Chinese people and will live forever as one of the most glorious pages in the history of the struggle of the working class of China and of its Communist Party. Notwithstanding the unexampled firmness and courage dis-played by the workers, the February strike ended in defeat. But from this defeat the Chinese proletariat learned a lesson. 20 shooting down of the workers dispersed all illusions con-ing Wu Pei- fu, whom hitherto a number of workers' organ-ons regarded as a " friend of the workers" and as " being in avor of working class legislation". It became clear to every orker that Wu Pei- fu was the servant of the foreign capitalists. he Chinese learned from their own experience that their struggle for economic demands must be linked up with the PO-litical struggle against the rule of international imperialism and against the tyranny of the Chinese militarists who acted as the tools of the imperialists in enslaving China. The workers realized that they could achieve victory and secure an improvement in their conditions only if they built up strong organizations. he Third Coqress of the Communist Party fter the events of February 7, 1923, the trade union move-in China outwardly seemed to decline. As a matter of fact rade unions went underground, and in the course of 1923 and 1924 they successfully developed their activities in organizing the masses of the workers. At that time the trade unions already embraced a considerable section of the workers in the most im-portant centers of the country. The Communist organizations also spread all over the country. At that time the membership of the Communist Party reached 400. The small and exclusive propaganda groups which had comprised the Party up to now began to grow into a mass political party. n important part in this was played by the Third Congress Party which was held in Canton in June, 1923. The very sharply raised the question of the Party taking a more active part in the growing national liberation movement. Neither at the Second Congress of the Party nor at the Party Conference held at Western Lake in February, 1923, was the question of creating a united anti- imperialist front and of the Communists joining the Kuomintang settled definitely. The Third Congress of the Party was guided by the special decision of the Executive Committee of the Communist International of January 12, 1923, which stated: " The only important national- revolutionary group in China is the Kuomintang which relies partly on the liberal democratic bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie and partly on the intellectuals and workers. Insofar as the independent working class movement in the country is still weak, insofar as the central task confronting China is to carry out the national revolu-tion against the imperialists and their feudal agents within the country, and insofar as the working class is directly interested in the solution of this national- revolutionary problem but is not yet sufficiently differentiated as an absolutely independent social force- the E. C. C. I. considers that it is necessary to coordinate the activities of the Kuomintang and of the Young Communist Party of China." proposing that the Communists join and work inside intang the E. C. C. I. at the same time called upon the eserve its complete political and organizational in-from all other political groups. The resolution stated: orting the Kuomintang in all campaigns on the national-ont as long as that party pursues an objectively correct munist Party of China must not merge with it and must campaigns furl its own banner." ry. It is particularly important to point to this defect in gram because in a special instruction sent by the E. C. C. I. Third Congress of the Communist Party emphasis was id on the primary importance of a correct solution of the problems, and the fundamental slogans of the agrarian on, primarily the confiscation of the landlords' land for enefit of the peasantry without compensation, were indicated. e instruction on this point read as follows: " The national revolution in China and the creation of an anti- imperialist necessarily be accompanied by an agrarian revolution of the against the survivals of feudalism. This revolution can be suc-cessful only if it succeeds in sweeping in the bulk of the Chinese population - t h e parcelized peasantry. . . . The Communist Party, as the party of the working class, must therefore strive to establish an alliance between the workers and the peasants. This can be achieved only by unceasingly carrying on propaganda for and carrying out the slogans of the agrarian revolution, such as the confiscation of the land of the landlords, the mon-asteries and churches and their distribution gratis among the peasants, the abolition of starvation rent, the abolition of the present system of taxation, the abolition of customs barriers between provinces, the abolition of tax farming, the abolition of the mandarins, the establishment of peasant local government bodies to which the confiscated land is to be transferred, etc., etc." is instruction was not reflected in the decisions of the Congress of the Communist Party. The Fourth Congress of the Communist Party e Fourth Congress of the Communist Party of Chin as held in January, 1925, devoted its attention mainly t work of the Party. By that time the Party 11 uomintang and had started to develop its . The Congress more precisely formulat ty. It also adopted the Party rules and a n resolutions on the trade union movement, the peasant work among young people, work among women, generalizing previous experience the object of the was still further to improve the agitation, propaganda and org izational work of the Party. One of the most important questi discussed at the Congress was how to combine the struggle against imperialism with the development of the everyday struggles of the workers, peasants and petty bourgeoisie for their immediate demands. Bearing in mind the importance of fighting for the economic demands of the proletariat, the Fourth Congress pointed out in its resolution that to ignore these tasks would not only mean damaging the interests of the proletariat, but also " weak-ening the national liberation movement". But in drawing up a platform of immediate demands for the peasantry the Congress committed a mistake in not formulating these demands in suf-ficient detail and in failing to link them up with the fundamental demand for the confiscation of the landlords' land for the benefit of the peasantry without compensation. This mistake arose mainly out of a wrong conception of the stages of the Chinese revolu-tion. The theses on the " National Revolutionary Movement" adopted by the Congress stated that the stage of the united na-tional liberation front would be immediately followed by the stage of the proletarian socialist revolution. Thus, it left out the agrarian revolution which is a stage in the anti- imperialist revolution and serves as a firm base for it. At the time of the Fourth Congress the Communist Party had nearly 1,000 members. The Young Communist League had 9,000 members of whom 30 per cent were young workers; the majority of the members were representatives of the progressive intellectuals, particularly students. The Party extended its in-fluence over increasing sections of the toilers. The successes of the Party reflected the rapid development of the revolutionary move-ment in the country and served as an index of the growth of the forces in the revolutionary camp. The Canton Base of the Revolution At this time the Canton base of the revolution had become very much stronger. During the preceding years the Kuomintang had experienced a number of serious crises. In 1922, General Chen Chiung- ming, Commander- in- Chief of the armed forces of the Southern Kuomintang government, rose in rebellion against Sun Yat- sen. Chen Chiung- mmg was opposed to the Kuomintang interfering in the affairs of North China and rose up for the In Canton there was a r stubborn fighting took place between the Canton forces and th of the counter- revolutionary organization. Enjoying the wide s masses, and actively assisted by the Communists, t g achieved complete victory over the " Paper Tigers' e Canton government also succeeded in utter1 he forces of Chen Chiung- ming. nt part in these operations was played by the Cadet Military College, situated on the Island of W . The success of the military operations condu anton units greatly served to raise the prestige of Chia k. In 1923 he was Chief of the General Staff of t forces which conducted the two successful campaign hiung- ming and against the Kwangsi militaris of which the Kwangsi province submitted to the government. In 1924, when he was Chief of Wampu y College, Chiang Kai- shek directed the military opera ions against the " Paper Tigers" and against the remnants of the forces of Chen Chiung- ming. Coming to the front as a result of these operations and skillfully taking advantage of the victory of the Canton troops to strengthen his own authority, Chiang Kai- shek in 1935 became Commander- in- Chief of the armed forces of the Canton government. The victories of the Canton government served to strengthen Canton as the base of the growing national revolutionary move-ment. The successes achieved by the Communists and the Kuo-mintang in South China, principally in Canton, exercised wider and wider influence upon the anti- imperialist national moveme and particularly upon the working class and peasant moveme all over China. ged Situation in the North which took place in the North of Chi during this period a1s; served to stimulate the ment and the strike movement. Shortly befo group had been at the height of its fame and General Wu Pei- fu, had seemed to be the In 1923, at a meeting of Parliament, the mem all hand- picked men, he succeeded by bribing t ion of Tsao Kun as President of the Chinese ei- fu crushed every organized action of the y armed force. At the same time, on the pretext r the national unification of China, he waged a gainst Chang Tso- lin in North China and against evolutionary government. of 1924, during the height of military opera-tions, Wu Pei- fu was betrayed by General Feng Yu- hsiang who, joining his forces with General Chang Tso- lin, inflicted defeat upon the Chihli troops. The Tsao Kun government, which had been kept in power by the military forces of General Wu Pei- fu, was compelled to resign in favor of the victorious group. Thus, the ent of the Chinese Republic disappeared from the Tso- lin, however, was not yet quite secure in his position. His forces were menaced by those of Feng Yu- hsiang which had been renamed the First People's Army and which occu-pied an independent position. On the other hand, the remnants of Wu Pei- fu's forces had not yet been utterly crushed. This made the establishment of a strong central government in China im-possible. As a result, Tuan Chi- jui ( who was in fact a Japanese agent and an appointee of Chang Tso- lin) came into power and he was compelled to flirt with the leaders of the national liberation movement. He invited Sun Yat- sen to visit Peking and he issued a statement to the effect that his government was only a provisional government and that it was necessary to convene a National Assembly for the purpose of establishing a lawful government. But instead of a National Assembly he convened the so- callede CC Reorganization Conference" which consisted of high govern-ment officials and generals. This caused a rupture between h and Sun Yat- sen. The negotiations which had been proceed1 came to nothing as no agreement could be reached. At that time powerful mass movement under the leadership of the Corn L was developing in all the big towns of China in support of the demand for the convocation of a National Assembly. The Tuan Chi- jui government was no more democratic than the previous militarist government had been. But its relative weakness and irresoluteness prevented it, at least at first, from I, resorting to police methods in combating the mass movement. Thi o keep in constant contact with you. I firmly believe I created favorable conditions for the resumption of activities by th ch you have rendered my country up to now will working class organizations, for the revival of the strike move- idding you farewell, dear comrades, I express the ment and of the whole of the political life of the country. Sun near when the U. S. S. R. will welcome mighty and d and ally, and that in the great struggle for the ressed peoples of the world both allies will march Yat- sen's arrival in Peking and the vigorous propagandist activity which he developed in North China greatly strengthened the Kuomintang and rallied new forces around it. There was also a marked increase in the activities of the Communists in North and Central China. Death of Sun Yut- sen At this time severe illness cut short the life of that great Chinese revolutionary, Sun Yat- sen. Long years of revolutionary effort had undermined his health, and on March 12, 1925, he passed away. He had devoted two- thirds of his lifetime, about forty years, to unceasing revolutionary struggle, first against the monarchist rule of the Manchus, and later against the reactionary militarists and international imperialism. The services he rendered in the latter years of his life are particularly noteworthy. Influ enced by the great October Revolution in Russia, and studyin lessons, he began to rely more and more upon the broad m of the people in the revolutionary struggle for the liberation o China. Just before his death he wrote the following letter to the Central Executive Committee of the U. S. S. R.: es: While I am here laid low by a sickness against which hts are turned to you and to the fate tice. I am leaving be ' With fraternal greetings, " Sun Yat- sen." 1 and testament to the Kuomintang, of which he r and constant leader, was written in the same alliance with the U. S. S. R., cooperation with the t for the mass movement and revolutionary erthrow of imperialist rule- such were the Sun Yat- sen which served as the banrer of the the best years of its history. CHAPTER I11 The Communist Party in the First Stage of the Chinese Revolution SUN YAT- SEN DIED at the moment of a new upsurge of the na-tional liberation movement. The working class took advantage of the slightest weakening of the regime of oppression to proceed to new and greater activity. To this were added circumstances of another kind. At the beginning of 1925 the industrial crisis in China which particular1 affected the textile industry caused the already bad conditions the Chinese workers to become ever so much worse. The capital offensive against the standard of living of the proletariat calle forth increasing resistance on the part of the Chinese workers. On February 10, 1925, a strike broke out at a Japanese- owned textile mill in Shanghai and soon spread to the other 20 Japanese textile mills in Shanghai employing 40,000 workers. The strike lasted for more than two weeks and ended in a partial victory for the workers. In April the textile workers in Tsingtao, Canton and Hankow went on strike. In the middle of May the strike wave swept back to Shanghai as the mill owners had failed to carry out the terms agreed upon at the settlement of the previous strikes. The workers' demands were of an economic character. At that time events occurred in the streets of Shanghai which served as the starting point of the Chinese revolution of 1925- 27. On May 30, the Shanghai students and workers' organizations organized a demonstration to protest against the brutal treatment of the Chinese workers by the imperialists and, in particular, against the murder of a Chinese mill worker, a Communist named KU Cheng- hung, by a Japanese overseer. The English police in Shanghai opened fire on the demonstrators as a result of which 1 score were killed and wounded. Over 600 demonstrators ested. This incident caused a wave of indignation to sweep whole of the Chinese population of Shanghai. From that moment the fight against international imperialism assumed un-nted dimensions and force. ese events served as a striking object lesson of imperialist China. A manifesto issued by the All- China Federation of nts in Shanghai have illuminated the situation in China like a lightning. Everything has become clear. Everybody- in China s seen the real face of imperialism, the face of a ss meetings were organized in the streets of Shanghai at the vast crowds assembled displayed unprecedented en-m. The workers in a body downed tools in factory after On June 12 over a half million workers were on strike. The Chinese merchants joined the political strike of the workers and on June 1 all shops were closed. On June 3 all Chinese banks ceased operations. The business life of the city came to a stand-still. The Shanghai, Committee of the Students' Union carried on agitation in the streets; it organized joint demonstrations with the workers and sent its representatives to other centers in China. In the beginning of June huge student demonstrations and strikes ¥ o solidarity with the Shanghai workers and students were held in ng, Hankow and other cities. In the middle of June the police in Hankow fired on a demonstration of workers ts, and to protest against this a general strike of work-eclared. In Kiukiang, a crowd of demonstrators set e premises of the local branch of the Japanese Bank of . A wave of solidarity strikes swept over the whole e out in Peking, Tsingtao, Nanking, Canton, cities. Fearing the further development of s concentrated over 30 warships at Shanghai. of the workers, students and anti- imperialist d under the slogans of the struggle for the China, the abolition of imperialist rule, the 3 1 annulment of the unequal treaties, the establishment of political liberties and the improvement of the conditions of the proletariat. The whole movement was led by the Joint Committee set up on June 5, consisting of representatives of workers*, merchants' and students' unions. The Chinese bourgeoisie did not for long continue their active participation in the national liberation movement in hai. In order to encourage home industry the Chinese m turers demanded the cessation of the strike in their factories. workers were obliged to yield, and on June 15 work was resume in the Chinese- owned factories in Shanghai. A few days later the Chinese merchants called off their strike. Their argument in support of this was that " the merchants' strike was a resolute step at the moment of popular excitement when it was necessary for everyone to demonstrate his sympathy for the victims and to pro-test against the murderers. As the cessation of trade causes con-siderable damage to our interests without causing any serious loss to the foreigners we decided to call off the merchants' strike." ese proletariat as a school of mass political anti- imperialist n. In the course of these events the Chinese proletariat proved to be a courageous and consistent fighter against imperialism; ecame transformed into an independent force more and more ccessfully aspiring to leadership in the national movement. The i events gave a powerful impetus to the growth of the tions of the Chinese workers. In the very first days of nts 72 trade unions were organized in Shanghai and the anghai Trades Council was formed which subsequently led he whole of the strike movement of the Shanghai workers. The weakened by the desertion of the bourgeoisie the liberation movement was subjected to fresh trials. The Chinese militarists came to the aid of the international imperialists t o suppress the revolutionary struggle of the masses. General Chang Hsueh-liang, son of Chang Tso- lin, flooded Shanghai with his troops and brutally suppressed the workers' and students' organizations. He prohibited meetings and demonstrations, began to arrest the active workers and students and to suppress the trade unions. Left en-tirely to their own resources the Shanghai proletariat heroically continued the struggle against the imperialists. They held out staunchly for over three months. In view of the changed situation, however, they were compelled for the time being to abandon the slogans of the revolutionary struggle against international im-perialism and put forward immediate economic demands. On the basis of these demands the trade unions entered into negotiations with the employers. In September, 1925, the workers in a> organ-ized manner resumed work in the Japanese mills, and in October resumed in the English & ills. hanghai events played an extre of the revolutionary movement Shanghai events exercised enormous influence on the subsequent development of the revolutionary struggle against imperialism and helped to strengthen Canton as the base of the national liberation movement in South China. These events called forth demonstra-tions of the masses of the people against the international impe-rialists and Chinese militarists all over China. The Shamin- Hongkong Strike he effect of the upsurge of the revolutionary struggle for n which swept the country as a result of the Shanghai events was felt most in Canton where the soil for it was most favorable. On June 23 a demonstration was organized in Can-ton to express solidarity with the Shanghai movement. When the demonstration approached Shamin, the foreign concession in Can-ton, the British police opened fire on it and several hundred Chinese were killed and wounded. In retaliation to this fresh atrocity committed by the imperialists a general strike broke out in Hongkong and Shamin under the leadership of the members Communist Party, Comrades Su Chao- cheng, Teng hsia, Hsiang Ying, Lo Teng- hsian and others. All the Chinese workers left Hongkong and went into Canton whe with the assistance of the Kuomintang government, lodgin food and work were provided for them. The strikers organize armed self- defense units and set up a Revolution Tribunal to deal with agents of the imperialists and t ese and English were compelled to leave e Chinese workers, coolies, domestic servan en refused to do any work for them. The Hon strike lasted 16 months, causing losses to the British capitalists amounting to . £ 50,000,000 The Hongkong strike roused the sympathy of the whole coun-try. In all parts of China collections were made on behalf of the strikers. Meanwhile, the strike committee in Canton organized bodies of armed pickets to see that the boycott of British goods was maintained, and in all its activities it helped to strengthen ve all along the line. Chang Chung- chang, the Shan-arist, occupied Shanghai and ruthlessly suppressed the workers' organizations. The same fate awaited the workers' the position of the Canton government. It helped the further development of the anti- imperialist struggle and the development of the working class movement all over China, and it helped to draw millions of peasants into the revolutionary struggle. The hundred thousand strikers served as a solid backing for the Can-ton government. The assistance and protection which the Canton government gave the Hongkong strikers served to raise its prestige very considerably and to strengthen the sympathy of the toilers in the rest of China towards it. The leadership and active participation of prominent Com-munists in the Hongkong strike served to stimulate the growth of influence and prestige of the Communist Party among the broad masses of the Chinese people. The heroic struggle of the Shanghai and Hongkong prole-tariat in the summer of 1925 marked a turning point in the Chinese national liberation movement. At first the politically most active force in the anti- imperialist movement was the Chinese na-tional bourgeoisie and the petty- bourgeois intelligentsia. The move-ment mainly assumed the form of mass student demonstrations, mass meetings and the boycott of foreign goods. It was only as a result of the Shanghai and Hongkong general strikes that the national liberation movement took the path of genuine mass revo-lutionary struggle against international imperialism. The heroic action of the Chinese and Hongkong proletarians marked the be-ginning of the Chinese revolution of 1925- 27. The Events of March 20, 1926 The growth of the revolution did not proceed evenly, how-ever. The last months of 1925 and the first half of 1926 wit-nessed a temporary subsiding of the revolutionary wave. With the help of the imperialists the Chinese reactionary elements passed to 34 .. - organizations in the industrial centers of North China. The work-ers' strike movement revealed marked signs of weakening. Meanwhile, as a consequence of the active intervention of the Japanese, Kuo Sung- ling, who had risen against the Manchu-rian satrap Chang Tso- lin, was crushed. Wu Pei- fu concluded a military agreement with Chang Tso- lin, and both militarists hurled themselves upon the First People's Army under the com-mand of Feng Yu- hsiang, who had declared himself a supporter of the Canton Kuomintang government. Hard pressed by his enemies, Feng Yu- hsiang withdrew from Tientsin, Peking, and Kalgan and retired westward into Inner Mongolia. Wu Pei- fu succeeded in winning the cooperation of the peasant organizations, known as the Red Spears, in the Province of Honan and with their aid inflicted defeat upon the Second and Third People's Armies which had been only recently formed. the most important events of that time occurred in Can-n March 20, 1926, General Chiang Kai- shek, Com-geoisie to bridle the revolution." Chiang Kai- shek's action opened the sluic Kwangtung started an attack up hiang Kai- shek failed t that moment the nation' acts which determine the chaiacter of the Chinese revolution: The semi- colonial position of China and the financial and omic rule of imperialism; ( b) The yoke of feudal survivals emented by the yoke of militarism and bureaucracy; ( c) The rowing revolutionary struggle of vast masses of workers and easants against the feudal bureaucratic yoke, against militarism, gainst imperialism; ( d) The political weakness of the national ourgeoisie, its dependence upon imperialism, its fear of the revo-lutionary movement obtaining a wide scope; ( e) The growing ~ I I f the proletariat, the growth of its prestige of the toilers; ( f ) The existence of the as a neighbor of China." rialism and the yoke of feudal survivals were the independent development of China and the people; they were the principal factors which inese revolution. Hence, the Chinese revolu-ion was co ith the following main tasks: shed in the revolution. Only when the Chinese proletariat achieves the leadership of the vast masses of the toilers in town and country, overcomes the resistance of the national bourgeoisie, and paralyzes its influence over the masses will the complete victory of the bourgeois- democratic revolution become possible. nd in view of the general crisis of capitalism, and particularly in of the existence of the U. S. S. R., this victory opens the pros-of the Chinese revolution growing into a socialist revolu-ion. Let us now see how events in China developed. The Northern Campaign om the militaristsy armi educational wor rces, took the offe largest industrial and political center in China. It is an amalgama-tion of the towns of Hankow, Wuchang and Hanyang. The trans-fer of the ~ u o m i n t a ng~ ov ernment to Wuhan served to raise the revolutionary spirit and activity of the masses of the toilers to a still higher pitch. The victory of the Northern Campaign would have been impossible without the assistance which the masses of the workers and peasants gave to the Canton forces. Workers' strikes and peasant uprisings in the rear of the enemy facilitated the advance of the Canton army. The masses of the toilers, in their turn, took advantage of the advance of the Canton army, the extension of the territory of the revolution and the democratic conditions that prevailed in that territory, to develop the struggle for the satis-faction of their own demands and create their own organizations. Growth of the Mass Movement and Break- Up of the United Front A wave of workers' strikes swept over the whole territory under the rule of the Kuomintang government. By means of strikes the workers employed in the f oreign- owned factories in Hankow secured a rise in wages, a reduction of the working day and recognition of their trade unions. Important victories were also won by the workers in other towns occupied by the National Revolutionary Army. The struggle for liberation spread to other parts of China where the strike movement also grew. Nearly all the urban workers joined trade unions. For example, in 1923 the number of organized workers in China was 230,000, in 1926 it was 1,264,000 and in May, 1927, the number was 2,800,000. The peasant movement also assumed wider and wider dimen-sions. At first, by joining the struggle, the peasants secured a reduction in rent and the abolition of the numerous and burden-some taxes. In the course of its development the movement spread to wider masses of the peasantry and assumed a more revolu-ovince of Hunan, in March, 1927, over 1,000,000 peasants organized in peasant unions. In the provinces of Kwangsi, Kwangtung, Hupeh and particularly in Hunan the peasant unions had a membership running into millions. The total number of peasants who belonged to peasant unions in the territory of the I Kuomintang government was about 10,000,000. Enormous successes were achieved by the Communist Party. I I he number of its local organizations increased enormously and e circulation of its publications increased manyfold. For exam- , the circulation of Hsiangtao, the central organ of the Party, ched 50,000. The provincial and regional committees of the Party also published their own newspapers, magazines and mass agitation literature. The Party had grown into a mass party hold-ing strong leading positions in the liberation movement of the Chinese workers and peasants. In the beginning of January, 1927, the revolutionary masses seized the British concessions in Hankow and Kiukiang. In March, after two unsuccessful attempts, the workers in Shanghai made a third and successful armed uprising rendered direct assistance to the Canton army in occupy-ghai. international imperialists waged an active struggle against essfully developing Chinese revolution. In September, British gunboat bombarded Wanhsien, in the province of Szechuan, as a result of which 227 Chinese were killed and several hundred were wounded. All the time the imperialists blockaded Canton and rendered effective assistance to the re-actionary Northern militarists. In fact, this was a concealed form of imperialist intervention. The further successes of the revolu-tionary movement and the advance of the National Revolutionary Army to the region of Shanghai stimulated the international imperialists to still further activity. At the end of March, 1927, they presented an ultimatum to the National Army and bombarded Nanking from their warships. The powerful sweep of the revo-lution and the pressure of the imperialists frightened the national bourgeoisie into the camp of the counter- revolution. Chiang Kai- shek brought about a counter- revolutionary coup d'etat. On ril 1 1 and 12, 1927, his troops surrounded the headquarters of Shanghai workers' union and of the Workers* Guard, disarmed the latter and shot down all workers who resisted with machine guns. In Canton his example was followed by General Li Chi-shen. On April 18, Chiang Kai- shek formed a " national" gov-ernment of his own in Nanking in opposition to the Wuhan gov-ernment. In the territory of the Nanking government the workers', peasants', students', and educational organizations were brutally suppressed. The Communist Party was driven under-ground. Chiang Kai- shek's treachery marked the end of the first, Canton stage of the Chinese revolution. The characteristic fea-ture of the revolution at that stage was that it was a revolution of a national united front. The national bourgeoisie supported the revolutionary movement and it was directed mainly against the yoke of the foreign imperialists. As Comrade Stalin has said: was a revolution of the united national front. This does not here were no antagonisms between the revolution and th nal bourgeoisie, in rst Stage of the Revolution haracter and tasks the semi- colonial ition of China. It took into account the feudal survivals in country as the predominating form of oppression and the con-tion between these feudal survivals and the rule of imperial- . It foresaw the various stages through which the Chinese anti- imperialist and anti- feudal revolution had to proceed. The Communist International was of the opinion that in the first stage of the revolution in which the national bourgeoisie fought against imperialism and did not hinder the training and tion of the masses of workers and peasants in the spirit of tion, a bloc with the national bourgeoisie would facilitate owth of the forces of the working class and the peasantry. ese tactics logically followed from the necessity of making use even a temporary and unstable ally in the struggle againrt rful enemy, international imperialism. But these tactics sed the utilization of the national bourgeoisie in the in-f the revolution and not the subordination of the prole-t to the interests of the national bourgeoisie. That is why the munist International always urged the necessity of preserv-the independence of the proletarian movement, the necessity developing the mass movemert to the utmost and the necessity waging a relentless struggle for the hegemony of the prole-t in the Chinese revolution. The Communist International foresaw that the first stage of e revolution, in which the movement was directed mainly against perialism and was supported by the national bourgeoisie, would vitably be superseded by a second stage in which the bour-would desert the revolution and the main content of the tion would become the agrarian revolution. The C. I. ned the Communist Party of China in good time of this in-ng of class forces in the course of the revolution. unist International attached decisive importance development of the agrarian movement. It was at the anti- imperialist struggle could be victorious the agrarian peasant revolution served as its base. In 1926, Comrade Stalin sharply criticized the Chinese ries who considered that it was impossible to unleash the rural districts of China and were afraid to " The anti- imperialist front in China will be stronger and mightier the sooner and more thoroughly the Chinese peasants are drawn into the revolution." This idea was emphasized in the resolution adopted by Seventh Plenum of the E. C. C. I. in December, 1926, which stated : " The development of the national revolutionary movement in Chin now depends upon the agrarian revolution." The Cornintern's Fight on Two Fronts The Communist International championed its correct line, which was entirely based upon the tenets of Lenin, in a fight on two fronts. At that time opportunist trends represented b Chen Tu- hsiu, Peng Shu- tze and others were strong in the lea ership of the Communist Party of China. The Party leadershi of that time did not understand that the alliance with the nationa bourgeoisie was only temporary and conditional and, notwith-standing the advice of the Communist International, it failed to warn the masses of the inevitable treachery of the bourgeoisie. The Party leaders interpreted the tactics of the united front to mean subordinating the struggle of the proletariat and peasantry to the interests of the national bourgeoisie. For example, the Communist Party did not put up adequate resistance to Chiang Kai- shek during the events of March 20, 1926. When the North-ern Campaign started the Communist Party agreed to the restric-tion of the right to strike and of the organization of workers' pickets. The Communist International, relying on the Bolshevik elements in the Communist Party of China, waged an irreconcil-able struggle against these opportunist mistakes. On the other hand, the Trotsky- Zinoviev opposition dre up its own line on the question of the Chinese revolution against that of the Communist International. The oppositi denied the overwhelming importance of the feudal militarist yo and failed to realize the decisive importance of the agrarian rev lutionary movement in China. They attributed the anti- imperi character of the Chinese revolution entirely to the interests of Chinese capitalists who demanded Chinese control of the custom 4 2 thereby defending the point of view and interests of the bourgeois-landlord and militarist elements. he Trotsky- Zinoviev opposition rendered the same service eois- landlord elements by demanding the break- up with the national bourgeoisie and the withdrawal of nists from the Kuomintang even at the first stage of inese revolution. Such a policy could only have resulted eakening of the forces ofthe revolution. - Had the Communists left the Kuomintang during the North-mpaign, when the prestige of the Kuomintang among the was higher than ever before, the masses would have been flung into confusion. Such a policy would have played into the hands of the reactionary elements who indeed wanted to expel the Communists from the Kuomintang. It would have deprived the Communists of a means of approach to the broad masses and would have made their struggle to organize the workers and peasants and to lead them in the struggle more difficult. The attitude of the Trotsky- Zinoviev opposition on the ques-tion of the Chinese revolution reflected the characteristic features of Trotskyism, vk., utter contempt for the national features of the Chinese revolution, ignoring of the semi- colonial position of China, underestimation of th; agrarian revolution, failure to understand the bourg- e ois- democratic features of the revolution. repudiation of the premises for a powerful agrarian peasant move-ment, underestitnation of the role of the peasantry and disbelief strength and ability of the to lead the peasantry. was the correct tactics of the Communist International nsured for the Communist Party of China achievements of exceptional importance. As Comrade ~ t a l i nh as said: he Communist Party entered into a bloc with the national bourgeoisie on at the first stage of the revolution in order to widen the territory of the revolution, to become crystallized as a mass party, to create for itself the opportunity openly to organize the proletariat and to lay a path for itself to the peasantry. . . . The national bourgeoisie has deserted to the camp of the counter- revolution and has lost contact with the broad masses of the people. . . . Is it not clear that only a correct policy could have led to such results? Is it not clear that only such a policy could have increased the fighting fitness of the proletariat? " CHAPTER IV I organizations were broken up and Communists who led The Communist Party in the Second Stage of the Revolution CHIANGK AI- SHEK^ S COUP D'ETAT signified the desertion of the national bourgeoisie to the camp of imperialism and of bourgeois-landlord counter- revolution. As Comrade Stalin has said: " Chiang Kai- shek's coup d'etat signifies that the revolution has entered the second stage of its development, that the turn has started from a revolu-tion of the national united front to a revolution of millions of worker1 and peasants, to an agrarian revolution, which will strengthen and extend the struggle against imperialism, against the gentry and feudal landlords, against the militarists and the counter- revolutionary group of Chiang Kai- shek." he Wuhan Revolutionary Center As a result of Chiang Kai- shek's treachery two governments, two centers, were formed in South China: the center of revolu-tion in Wuhan, and the center of counter- revolution in Nanking. The fact that the policies of these two centers were the very oppo-site of each other is characteristic. The Nanking government immediately proceeded to come to terms with the imperialists and began ruthlessly to suppress the mass anti- imperialist move-ment in its own territory. In the territory of the Wuhan govern-ment the revolutionary struggle of the masses against imperialism rose to unprecedented heights. Nanking immediately pursued a course towards a rupture with the U. S. S. R. The policy of Wuhan was to establish still closer ties with the land of the proletariar ass movement were shot down in whole groups. In Wuhan, ever, the activity of the Communist Party freely de scale. The posts of Minister of Agriculture, Minis e Affairs and Minister for Labor were occupied by sts. Measures were drawn up for establishing closer c the organs of government by the masses of the toil preparations were made for convening provincial dele-etings which were to establish democratic and elected nment. . In Hunan such a meeting was called for he authority of the Wuhan government extended to the ince of Hunan, Hupeh, Kiangsi and part of the province of an. Its troops conducted a successful offensive against the tionary northern militarists and strove to establish contact the farces of Feng Yu- hsiang who had repeatedly de ty to the Wuhan government. second stage of the revolution was mark upsurge of the mass movement in the ter an government. A successful strike struggle hinese workers, nearly all of whom were organ ization of armed pickets helped the workers to action of their demands from the employers m rowth of the peasant unions continued. In the r example, the membership of the peas ,000 in March, 1927, to 2,000,000 on . Nearly everywhere the peasant unions ions of government in their rural dist Iutionary initiative, the peasants began to abolish landlor places the peasant unions arrested the most hated o and gentry, tried them, confiscated their property armed units. The agrarian revolution grew rapi digress of the Communist Party It was in this situation that the Fifth Congress of the Co Party of China was opened on April 27, 1 asted for nearly two weeks. By that time the rmous succe& s. It had become a mass party and a factor in the political life of the country. The membership of the Party had grown from 994 at the time of the Fourth Congress to 57,967, of whom 53.8 per cent were workers. The membership of the Young Communist League had grown to 35,000, of whom 41 per cent were young workers and 14 per cent were young peasants. The Young Pioneers had a membership of 120,- 000. The circulation of the weekly organ of the Party rose from 7,000 to 50,000. The Party exercised its influence on and led trade unions and peasant unions having membership running into millions. The Fifth Congress was held quite openly. Leaders of the Wuhan Kuomintang such as Wang Ching- wei, Tan Yen- kai and Hsu Chien attended the Congress and greeted it in the name of their party, thus demonstrating, as it were, lasting cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communists. Having met in the very heat of revolutionary battles, it was the function of the Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of China to sum up the preceding activity of the Party, to outline the prospects of the further development of the revolution and tc indicate the immediate tasks of the Chinese Communists. - 2% . I I ' on which very larg- el. y coincided with the line of the ommunist ~ nternational. The second item was the theses of the Seventh Plenum of the C. C. I. on the Chinese question. These were adopted unani-usly without amendment. The third item was the agrarian question, but on this very ongress did not take up a distinct, clear n the advice of the Communist Interna-mined this question and took up a more sistent position in regard to the confiscation of all landlord or the benefit of the peasantry. mistake was made in allowing Chen Tu- hsiu to remain in position of General Secretary ofthe Party. This mistake may ttributed to the fact that he was one of the founders of the that at the Congress he voted for the resolution which his opportunist mistakes. But with the further devel-vents, the actual concentration of the leadership in his nd led to very severe consequences for the Party. first item to be discussed was the political and organizatio he Fifth Congress of the Communist Party the situa-report of the Central Committee which was submitted to ban began sharply to change for the worse. It is true Congress by the secretary of the Party, Chen Tu- hsiu. The Con- oops of the Wuhan government fought successfully gress pointed to a number of mistakes committed by the Part reactionary northern militarists. In fierce battles on leadership during the period under review owing to its wron front particular fame was won by the Communist, interpretation of the tasks of the united national front. The Party riel Chang Hsian- y~ ng, who died on the field of battle. Not-leadership overestimated the strength and revolutionary capabilities andinff the victories which the Wuhan forces won over the of the national bourgeoisie. The Party did not adequately ensure of the reactionary northern militarists, the political situation the protection of the interests of the masses of the toilers. During uhan became more complicated every day. The economic the Northern Campaign the Party, as the resolution of the de carried on by the international imperialists and the Congress stated, " did not pay adequate attention to the necessity of deepening the social foundation of the revolution simultaneous-ly with its territorial expansion". Failing to advance demands for dical agrarian changes, the Party failed to strengthen the bond tween the proletariat and the peasantry and failed to ensure the ading role of the proletariat in this alliance. Rejecting a num-ber of opportunist theories advanced by Chen Tu- hsiu, the Con-gress, on the report of the Central Committee, adopted th e of the bourgeoisie disorganized the whole ol economic the territory of the Wuhan government. This led to the le between the workers and the capitalists becoming more . The exploiting classes began to exert more and more pres-the leaders of the Wuhan Kuomintang. Of still greater e was the agrarian movement of the peasantry, which n to enormous dimensions. The petty- bourgeois leaders of the Kuomintang were scared by the growing agrarian revolu- ovincial Government and Chairman of the Political tion and, eventually, this drove them into the camp of the counter the Kuomintang in the provinces of Honan, Shensi and revolution. t the end of June, however, he entered into an agree- A counter- revolutionary rebellion in the rear hastened the ith Chiang Kai- shek and sent an ultimatum to the ' leaders swing to the Right of the Wuhan Kuomintang. Internal dis- Wuhan Kuomintang demanding a rupture with the integration began with the betrayal of the national government by the army division commanded by Hsia Tou- yin. This divisio ' no-, to the economic crisis and the intensification of class protected Wuhan from the invasion of the Szechuan militaris antagonisms resulting from it, and owing to the increase in mutiny 111/ 1~ 1 ~~, In the middle of May, 1927, the division turned against t and: rebellion among the reactionary officers, vacillation increased Wuhan government. On the orders of Chiang Kai- shek it allow and more in the ranks of the Wuhan Kuomintang. Day by 1 1 cthaep tuSrzee cthhuea nw treoospst t ao rctro osfs itths el inperos vainncde thouf s eHnuapbelhe da nthde mth day,, thclee aWrlyu haasn a Kfourocme iwnhtaicnhg dbiedg anno t tcoo urenvteeraalc ti tbseultf wmhoicrhe saunpd-menace the capital of the Wuhan government. rnrted the attack on the workers' and peasants' organizations. Hsia ~ o u - ~ i n ' dsi vision was beaten back from Wuhan b The, Wuhan government put up no resistance to theattacks of the troops commanded by the Communist Yeh Ting, who ha - Hsu, Keh- hsiang and Chu Pei- teh. It began to capitulate to the roved himself to be a talented commander durin" g the Northern - r e-- a c- tionary generals. Campaign. But just at that time the troops under the command At the end of May, 1927, the Wuhan government began of Hsu Keh- hsiang, in Changsha, the principal city in the prov- to i& e a series of decrees restricting the activities of the workers' ince of Hunan, rose in rebellion against the ~ u h a ngo vernken and peasants* organizations and protecting the exploiting classes. 11111 On May 21, 1927, Hsu Keh- hsiang dispersed the Left KUO A special order was issued restricting the activities of the political mintang provincial government, suppressed the trade unions an administration in the army. At the end of May the Wuhan gov-peasant unions, disarmed the workers' pickets, shot over 1 00 eminent dissolved two of the largest peasant unions in the province leaders of the mass organizations and setup his own reactionary measures did not check the offensive of the government in the province of Hunan. nts; on the contrary they accelerated it. he province of Kiangsi practically deserted Wuh to the Right continued until the middle of ionary section of the military commanders the leaders of the Wuhan Kuomintang de-with the landlords and the ~ entrva nd whn dared a ruoture with the Communists. From that moment re- 0 " J - - - - --- --. - scared by the growth of the peasant movement acted as t action reigned supreme in Wuhan. All the revolutionary mass organizers of a counter- revolutionary coup d'etat. In Nanchan organizations of the workers, peasants and students were smashed the capital of the province of Kiangsi, a coup d'etat was led up. Communists were executed wholesale. In this way the leaders General Chu Pei- teh who exnelled the Communists from t of the Wuhan Kuomintanz oaved the wav for unitv with the L G2 1 J J army, dispersed the peasant unions, outlawed the Communi Nanking center of the bourgeois- landlord counter- revolution. - party andbegan to suppress the workersy and peasants' movemen by armed force. pportwnist and " Left" Deviations in This series of betrayals was crowned by that of Feng Y the Wuhan Period hsiang. On April 18, 1927, Feng Yu- hsiang was promoted to t age of the Chinese revolution the task of the post of Commander- in- Chief of all the Wuhan forces. In t o take advantage of the enormous influence beginning of June, 1927, he was appointed Chairman of the the masses, and of their membership of the transform the Wuhan government into the revolutionary demo-cratic dictatorship of the working class and peasantry. It was pre-cisely on these lir- es that the Communist International advised the Party to act. The resolution of the Eighth Plenum of the E. C. C. I. of May, 1927, stated: " The main thing at the present time is the ' plebeian' revolutionary solution of the agrarian problem by tens and hundreds of millions of peasants themselves from below. . .' . It is necessary rapidly, boldly and determinedly to pursue a policy towards the mass arming of the workers and peasants." Wuhan government to do everything to develop revolution and to quicken the revolutionary struggle masses to the utmost. The Communists should ha the agrarian of the broad ve fought to The leadership of the Communist Party of China in the persons of Chen Tu- hsiu, Peng Shu- tze and Tan Ping- shan ignored the advice of the Communist International and pursued an obviously opportunist policy. Instead of quickening the mass movement they, under the pressure of the Kuomintang and the reactionary officers, restrained the masses. Infected with oppor-tunism, the leaders of the Communist Party not only failed to counteract but actually supported the measures adopted by the Wuhan government to restrict the activities of the workers' and peasants' organizatiors. They did not take advantage of the posi-tions the Communists occupied in the government to organize the masses for the struggle under the slogans of the agrarian revo-lution and to establish closer contacts between the masses of the people and the organs of government. The Communists in the government merely used their positions for the purpose of political wire- pulling and scheming. They served as a screen for the anti-labor and anti- peasant policy of the Wuhan government, which was already swinging to the Right. The opportunist leaders of the Central Committee of the Communist Party not only failed to take measures to arm the workers and peasants, but as soon as the leaders of the Kuomin-tang began to waver they adopted a resolution calling upon thc Wuhan workers' pickets voluntarily to disarm and dissolve theil units. They should, as Comrade Stalin advised, " have createc from among the revolutionary peasants who had 50 01 of the agrarian revolution, and from among the revolu-y workers, reliable army corps . . . and make them the bul-of the revolutionary government in Wuhan". But instead oing that the leaders of the Communist Party pursued a policy capitulation and this weakened the position of the Communists the National Army. Nor did the leaders of the Party take any sures to organize resistance to the counter- revolutionary re-ions in Changsha, Nanchang and other places. In order not to isplay disloyalty" to the Wuhan government, Chen Tu- hsin n Ping- shan prohibited the armed peasant units from ion against the reactionary officers. ude, Right opportunist political mistakes committed by of the Communist Party at that time were the main uses of the defeat of the Chinese revolution. No less dangerous " that period of the revolution were the views and slogans enuously advocated by the Trotsky- Zinoviev opposition. At the ry beginning of the Wuhan period this opposition again de-anded that the Communists leave the Kuomintang and advance slogan for the immediate formation of Soviets of Workers' and sants' Deputies. This slogan implied the overthrow of the uhan government when it was still a revolutionary government d when it enjoyed the support of the broad masses. At that e it was the duty of the Communists to take advantage of the olutionary situation and the existence of the Wuhan revolu-onary government to develop the anti- imperialist and agrarian evolution still further. As Comrade Stalin said in May, 1927: (( To create Soviets of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies now, for mple, in the region of activity of the Wuhan government, means ating dual power, it means issuing the slogan for a fight to overthrow e Left Kuomintang and for the formation of a new, Soviet government The demand for the immediate formation of Soviets was an venturist leap forward. It meant fighting the existing revolu-onary government of the Wuhan Kuomintang, which meant ving the interests of Chiang Kai- shek; for the latter was striv-ing to overthrow the Wuhan government and to put a stop ta the cooperation between the Left Kuomintang and the Com- ~ ~ l! i! l ~ ~ ~ ~ i S~ t aih ~ and the Chinese Revolution ggle against international imperialism and for na-ocial liberation, for socialism. talin's writings and speeches on the problems of the evolution are a rich contribution to the store of Marxist-revolutionary doctrine. It is impossible to study the ese revolution without seriously studying all the writings and hes of Comrade Stalin on the problems of the Chinese revo- " We welcome the energetic intervention of the Cornintern which en-s to expose the mistakes of the previous Party leadership and thus Party. We emphatically condemn the opportunist, non- revolutionary ursued by our Central Committee and consider it necessary, on the the lessons of the past, radically to change the course of Party The conference declared that the previous Central Committee the Party in the person of Chen Tu- hsiu, Peng Shu- tze and ers " not only pursued a profoundly wrong policy directed to-ds the defeat of the revolution, towards voluntary liquidation capitulation, but stubbornly refused to admit their mistakes to submit to the counsels of the leading international body. Communist Party Conference, August, 1 92 7 The experience of the international Communist movement as of enormous service to the young and not yet sufficiently ture Communist Party of China in overcoming Right oppor-ist and " Left" deviations in its ranks. At the special con-nce of the Communist Party which opened on August 7, 7, an important step was taken towards the Bolshevization of part?. This conference was convened on the demand of the mmunist International, and in spite of the opposition of Chen - hsiu and the other opportunist leaders of the Party. The st Conference emphatically condemned the opportunist of the previous leadership of the Party and qualified its icy as being an openly liquidationist one. The resolution adopted by the conference stated: the decisions and recommendations of the Comintern and thus give it an opportunity to understand the problems and to express its decisive opinion." By electing a new leadership and advancing the slogan of the agrarian revolution as the core of the struggle of the masses of the toilers, the August conference marked a historical turning point in the development of the Communist Party of China. The Nanchang Rebellion The August Conference was held when White terror was at its height, and when, as a result of the victory of reaction in Wuhan, the Party had been driven deeply underground. The treachery of the Wuhan Kuomintang meant the desertion of the middle class and a considerable section of the urban petty bour-geoisie to the camp of the bourgeois- landlord counter- revolution. But the workers and peasants did not retreat without a fight; they did not lose hope of defending and preserving the gaffs of the revolution. Under the leadership of the Communist Party, at-tempts were made to defend and to continue the cause of the revolution by armed force. Among these bold attempts was the Nanchansr re bellion. u This rebellion was raised by two corps of the National Army under the command of the Communists Yeh Ting and Ho Lung. On the night of August 1, 1927, these forces, 20,000 strong, captured Nanchang, disarmed the local forces, confiscated the property of the banks and, exacting tribute from the Nanchang bourgeoisie, marched southward for the purpose of capturing the province of Kwangtung. On September 24, 1927, Yeh Ting's troops occupied Swatow, a big port in the province of Kwangtung, but on October 2 he was compelled to retreat from that town and was defeated by the Kwangtung militarists. This defeat was due to the superiority of forces of the reactionary militarists; but another important reason for it was the wrong tactics pursued by the leaders of the rebellion. This movement lacked a clear and correct political program. Instead of supporting the peasants and carrying out the agrarian revolution, the leaders of the Nanchang rebellion advan tremely curtailed agrarian slogans, such as the confiscatio 54 y from the big landlords, and, what was worse, they did out these slogans. No contact was established between the rebel trooos and the L sant movement, nor was any attempt made to rouse and arm e masses of the peasants for the struggle. In its advance the nchang army failed to destroy the old apparatus of government establish organs of government of the toilers in their place. a result of these mistakes, for which Tan Ping- shan was pelled from the Party, Yeh Ting's campaign bore the char-ter of purely military operations and ended in complete failure. Only a very few regiments of Yeh Ting's army managed to icate themselves from the ring of militarist forces which sur-ded them. These regiments, led by Chu Teh, established acts with the peasant partisan movement at the junction of vinces of Kwangtung, Fukien and Kiangsi, and served as the nucleus out of which the Chinese Red Army eventually The Canton Commune In the autumn of 1927 a wave of peasant uprisings swept South of China, but only in rare cases did these isolated up-s result in lasting success. For example, the peasant struggle d important, though temporary, successes in the district of a, in the province of Kwangtung. A Soviet government was shed in the district and the land of the landlords was trans-e peasants. In the district of Hailufeng, in northeast ngtung, soviets were established which existed from Novem- 1927, to March, 1928. The soviets abolished the landlords' es, removed the landmarks from the fields and divided the and other property of the landlords among the peasants. But the events in these districts were not characteristic of the situation in the country. Everywhere the united forces of unter- revolution waged an offensive against the revolution-orkers' and peasants' camp. These were the circumstances hich the workers of Canton rose in armed rebellion. The ellion was the most powerful and heroic attempt to gains of the revolution. On the night of December the armed workers* units in Canton, in conjunction with 55 the officers' training regiment, which had gone over to the side of the revolution, under the command of the fearless chairman of the Revolutionary Committee, Comrade Chang Tai- luei brought'about a revolution in the city. After capturing the city the rebels proclaimed the establishment of a Soviet government. For the first time in this huge semi- colonial country, the soviets becam a slogan of practical action. The Canton commune did not last long. It fell after thre days of heroic fighting. But it succeededin demonstrating to th whole world the genuine revolutionary program of the Sov government. It issued a number of decrees directed towards t radical improvement of the conditions of the workers and peasa such as the eight- hour day, increased wages, confiscation of t landlords' land without compensation for the benefit of the peas ants and the annulment of all extortionate debt and lease agree ments. Immediately after the Soviet government was established i Canton over 3,000 political prisoners were released. The Sovie government immediately began to organize a Red Army, t confiscate the houses and other property of the militarists for th benefit of the poor people in the city, and to organize state ai for the unemployed. As the Sixth Congress of the Comintern stated, the wo historical significance of the Canton Commune lay in the f that it became " the sign of a new soviet phase of the revolution But the Canton rebellion did not stimulate a new upsurge of th Chinese revolution. On the contrary, it took place amidst the gen era1 retreat of the revolutionary forces and the ebb of the revo-lutionary tide. As was quite correctly stated in the decisions of the Communist Party of China, the defeated Canton rebellion was a rearguard action of the retreating revolution. In spite of the heroic struggle of the workers and soldiers? the Chinese militarists, thanks to their numerical superiority and the support of the imperialists, succeeded in crushing the Canton Commune. The defeat was also largely due to the defects in the leadership and, in particular, to inadequate preliminary political mobilization of the masses of the toilers, and the absence of an spite of its short- lived character, the Canton Commune n important gain for the Chinese revolution. For the first the hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution and the hment of soviets as the form of the revolutionary demo-tic dictatorship of the working class and the peasantry were ractice in China. r the defeat of the Canton Commune a period of fierce set in. The defeat of the heroic Canton proletarians still encouraged the reaction, consolidated its forces and ned its position. The Ninth Plenum of the E. C. C. I., took place in February, 1928, analyzed the situation in and noted the subsiding of the first wave of the broad revo-onary movement of the workers and peasants. In its resolution Plenum stated : " In a number of industrial centers the working class movement, bled ite and held in the grip of unprecedented White terror, is passing through age of some depression." hat is why the Ninth Plenum of the E. C. C. I. in its reso- Chinese question emphasized that the Communist na must prepare for an inevitable fresh upsurge of ary wave, and that under the prevailing conditions st concentrate its work on winning over the vast workers and peasants, politically educating them, organizing them around the Party and its slogans. The resolution stated: serious danger that exists in the present situation is that, an incorrect appraisal of the present situation and of an the forces of the enemy, the vanguard of the workers' ment may become isolated from the masses, may run up its forces and allow itself to be defeated piecemeal." CHAPTER V The Communist Party on the Eve of a Fresh Revolutionary Upsurge THE APPRAISAL AND RECOMMENDATIONS of the Ninth Plenum of the E. C. C. I. entirely fitted the political situation which arose in China after the defeat of the Canton Commune. The most important gains of the revolution were lost. The mass movement was suppressed. The position of imperialism and of the Chinese governing classes . had become considerably stronger. In a num-ber of places the Communist organizations were almost com-pletely broken up. The Communist Party's contacts with the masses were correspondingly weakened. The Sixth Congress of the Communist Party It was in this situation that the Sixth Congress of the Com-munist Party of China was convened in the summer of 1928. The Congress summed up and generalized the experience of the first round of the Chinese revolution. It closely analyzed the causes of the defeat of the revolution of 1925- 27. It very thor-oughly exposed the opportunist mistakes of the Party leadership of that time and condemned the view held by several leading comrades that the Chinese revolution would develop uninter-ruptedly in an ascending line. In appraising the situation that then existed the Congress in its resolution stated that ". . . the first wave of the workers' and peasants' movement, which to a large extent proceeded under the leadership of t China, ended in the severe defeat of the worke weakening of their revolutionary organizations ( t 58 s and the Party) and in the physical extermination of a considerable n of the workers' and peasants' vanguard. In the main the present ation is characterized by the absence of revolutionary enthusiasm among any considerable section of the Chinese people." the same time the Sixth Congress pointed out that a fresh e of the Chinese revolution, certain symptoms of which e already visible at that time, was inevitable. Taking this anal-of the situation as its starting point the Sixth Congress stated " the general line of the Party in this new period in which first wave of the revolution has ended in a number of severe eats and the new wave has not yet risen . . . is to fight for sses". This line was formulated more definitely in a num-of special resolutions on trade union work, work in the rural ricts, work in the army, among the youth, among women, etc. Noting the deviations within the Party the Sixth Congress hasized the danger of putschist tendencies. These tendencies ed some of the Party organizations to the path of premature unprepared armed actions which were doomed to failure. At same time the Congress called for greater vigilance in the ty and urged the necessity of fighting determinedly against Right opportunist deviation, the danger of which had not been entirely overcome in the ranks of the Party. The Sixth Congress adopted an agrarian program. This pro-contained the demand for the confiscation of all landlord s without compensation for the benefit of the peasantry and tionalization of the land when a workers' and peasants' government is established all over China, or in the decisive regions of the country, if such a measure is supported by the bulk of the ' antry. On the peasant question the Congress laid down the wing main tactical line: " The main bulwark of the prole-at in the rural districts is the poor peasants. The middle sants are strong allies." On the questions of the rich peasants, however, the Sixth gress adopted an indistinct formula which subsequently cer-members of the Party interpreted as meaning the t of an alliance with them. This mistaken line was a special letter on the peasant question addressed to 59 the Communist Party of China by the Communist International in June, 1929. In summing up the work of the Sixth Congress it must be said that it correctly appraised the situation, it outlined the pros-pects of the revolutionary struggle for liberation, distinctly laid down the important tasks of the Party and adopted a comprehen-sive program of work for the Party. The main line adopted by the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of China was after-wards endorsed by the Sixth Congress of the Communist Inter- In developing its activities on the basis of these decisions munist Party of China soon achieved important successes. The Policy of the Nanking Kaomintang cessions in Hankow and Kiukiang which it had ion. The Japanese capitalists seized the Han ere cut. Rest days and holidays for the workers were and all imnrovements in conditions of labor, including ent of the workers by factory management staffs, foreign capitalists began more and more to grab hold se industry. In coal mining the share of foreign capital 54 per cent in 1923 to 72 per cent in 1928. In 1 industry the share of foreign capital increased the same period from 70 per cent to 90 per cent. In the textile dustry, in which before the revolution of 1925- 27 Chinese d 50 per cent of the capital, the share of foreign capital in had risen to 80 per cent. The Nanking government proved totally incapable of pro-ng the young Chinese industry from foreign competition. true that on February 1, 1928, new tariffs were introduced, t the new tariff agreement did not provide for increased riffs on imported cotton goods, yarn, cement, coal, paper, atches, etc. Tariffs were increased on goods of secondary impor-nce and on articles of luxury. Consequently, the new tariff reement did not in the least help to develop Chinese industry. 1 this created very severe conditions for Chinese industry. 8 and 1929 output in a number of branches of industry rtailed. Many factories closed down entirely. Thus, in , all the silk- winding factories in Shanghai closed down. early the whole of the flour milling industry came to a stand- The crisis most severely affected the tobacco, match, textile leather industries. The growing agricultural crisis in China had particularly isastrous effects upon the economy of the country. The policy ursued by the Nanking bourgeois- landlord counter- revolutionary loc did not alleviate, but actually intensified the chronic crisis f agriculture. The burden of taxation, the imposts of the mili-arists and bondage to the landlords increased. Larger and larger he Chinese peasants were pauperized. The number of cken people in China grew catastrophically. In 1927, e were afflicted with famine; in 1928, 27,000,- 929 the number was 57,000,000. It is true that the Nanking government made a pretense of fighting for the national independence of China. It also resorted to a number of maneuvers to create the impression that it desired to create order in the country and alleviate the conditions of the masses. Among these maneuvers were clamant declarations about revising the unequal treaties; but the imperialist powers de-liberately ignored these declarations and continued to strengthen their rule in China. Another of these maneuvers was the passing of the agrarian law and labor law which, however, were never carried out. Failure dogged the footsteps of the Nanking gov-ernment in everything it undertook. Nor was the Nanking government able to cope with the task of uniting the country. It is true that in June, 1928, the Nanking forces marched into Peking. Formally, the Nanking government became the government of the whole of China; but actually it failed to bring about the unification of the country. Real power remained in the hands of the war lords, who differed in no way from the former Tuchuns and who would not toler-ate the interference of the central government in the affairs of the regions which they controlled. The internecine wars of the militarists continued to sap the economic and political life of the country. The war between Nanking and Mukden came to an end only in the middle of 1928. In March, 1929, war broke out between Kwangsi and Nanking. In September, 1929, Chang Fa- kwei declared war on Nanking and in October, 1929, F e ~ gYu - hsiang started military operations against Chiang Kai- shek. In December the troops of Shi You- san and Tang Sheng- chih revolted against Nanking. In the spring of 1930 war was resumed between Nanking and Feng Yu- hsiang, who was joined by the Shansi militarist, Yen Hsi- shan. All these were symptoms of a growing crisis in the camp of the Chinese counter- revolution. The ConjZict Over the Chinese Eastern Railway An important factor hastening the disintegration of the Chinese reactionaries was the unsuccessful adventurist attempt of the Chinese militarists to seize the Chinese Eastern Railway. This railway belonged to the U. S. S. R. and was transformed by the Soviet government into a purely business enterprise. By the agree-of 1924 the Soviet government voluntarily agreed to the ay being under the joint management of the U. S. S. R. and ina. Urged on by the international imperialists the Kuomintang ilitarists on July 10, 1929, violently seized the Chinese Eastern ailway. The Soviet members of the managerial staff were dis-issed. The mass arrest and persecution of Soviet railway em- Confronted with this provocative and arrogant seizure of the ese Eastern Railway by the Chinese militarists in gross viola-of the onlytreaty China had concluded on the basis of com-e equality and the utmost consideration for the interests of e Chinese people, the Soviet government did all it possibly could ecure a peaceful settlement of the conflict. In spite of this the tang militarists continued their acts of provocation against S. R. Then the Special Far Eastern Army struck a crush-rogant Chinese militarists. The latter were mpelled to restore the Chinese Eastern Railway to its former ition. The Kuomintang militarists who had become tools of international imperialists lost further prestige among the road masses by their raid on the C. E. R. This conflict stimulated increased activity among the Chinese workers and peasants. A esh wave of strikes and demonstrations of Chinese toilers swept e country, particularly the huge demonstrations in Shanghai on uly 26 and August 1, which expressed sympathy for the U. S. S. R. CHAPTER VI A Fresh Upsurge of the Revolution and the Struggle for Soviets THE CHINESE COUNTER- REVOLUTION suffered utter bankruptcy in its foreign and home policy. The bourgeois- landlord bloc failed to remove, or even to alleviate, a single one of the contradictions which gave rise to the Chinese revolution. International imperial-ism did not surrender but clung still more tightly to its privileges and strengthened its rule in China. The country remained dis-united. The power of Chinese militarism was not undermined in the least. Not a single step had been taken to solve the agrarian problem. The masses of the people remained in their former state of subjection. Revival of the Workers' and Peasants' Movement The Nanking counter- revolution strengthened the imperial-ist regime of colonial exploitation and the predatory landlord-militarist plunder of the masses of the toilers. Consequently, the state of utter economic ruin, the monstrous impoverishment of the masses of the people and the sharp intensification of class antagonism could not but lead to a fresh upsurge of the revolu-tion in China. The working class movement rapidly emerged from the stat of depression into which it had fallen after the defeat of th revolution of 1925- 27. The strike wave began to rise most markedly in the second half of 1928. In that year about 400,000 workers were involved in strikes; in 1929, however, the number of workers involved in strikes rose to 750,000. The strike move-nt bore mainly an economic character, but as time went on the ns of the Chinese workers began to acquire a political color. and more frequently demands were put forward for the e of imprisoned labor leaders, for the dissolution of Kuo-intang unions, and for freedom to organize proper trade unions. re and more frequently slogans were advanced against the omintang and international imperialism. About 5 0, O 0 0 Shang-workers took part in the First of May demonstration in 1929; over 100,000 workers in different parts of China responded the appeal of the Communist Party to demonstrate on Inter-a1 Anti- War Day on August 1. In 1930 the strike move-continued to grow and assumed a more persistent and growth of the working class move-ant movement began to revive in the remes by poverty and anger the Chinese in larger and larger masses into an armed is- landlord regime. The peasant par-first units of the Chinese workers' ere created and successfully developed. the insurgent movement were created, ts sprang up. Already at the end of 1927, Haifeng and Lufeng, two districts in the province of Kwang-ng, the revolutionary forces led by Communists overthrew the ndlords, defeated and disarmed the landlords' self- defense oops and the first Soviet district was established which lasted era1 months. The leader of the Hailufeng Republic was one the most prominent leaders of the Communist movement in ' na and a beloved leader of the peasantry, Comrade Peng Pai, o subsequently, in 1929, was shot in Shanghai. hile the counter- revolutionary Trotskyists, who had united followers of the renegade Chen Tu- hsiu to fight against out the doom of the Chinese revolution and ed stabilization of the bourgeois- landlord ime in China, the heroic Chinese Communists did not lay their arms but amidst the severe conditions of underground ared the masses for fresh battles. Partic-n the creation of the Chinese Red Army was rendered by Comrades Mao Tse- tung, Chu Teh, Peng Teh-huai, Peng Pai, Fang Chi- min, Huang Kung- lueh and Ho Lun These were heroic fighters and staunch Bolsheviks who, in sp i f suffering and privation, did not for a single day cease fighting for the cause of the Communist Party and for the vital interests of the Chinese people. At the head of the whole Party Mao Tse- tung, Chu Teh, Fang Chi- min and scores of other present leaders of the Chinese Red Army passed through the furnace of the revolutionary event with which the past ten years of Chinese history are filled. They mobilized and led the masses into battle when the revolution was advancing, at the rise of the revolutionary tide; and they, too, led the masses in retreat, in the stern days of the temporary defeat of the revolution in 1925- 27. They passed through the stern school of the class struggle together with, and at the head of, the masses. They are true knights knowing no fear or doubt. They devoted all their seething energy to the task of preparing the masses for a new revolutionary upsurge. And it is not sur-prising that Mao Tse- tung, Chu Teh, Farg Chi- min and the other most devoted Bolsheviks were the first organizers and banner bearers of the victorious Soviet movement in China. They rallied the broad masses of the toilers for the armed struggle against imperialism and the Chinese counter- revolution. They formed the first units of the workers* and peasants' Red Army. They saw in this army the true and indomitable bulwark of the national revolution and did all they could to multiply its forces and strengthen its contacts with the masses of the people. Under their tried leadership the Chinese Red Army invariably emerged victorious from innumerable battles and covered itself with undying glory. Mao Tse- tung, Chu Teh, Fang Chi- min and the other leaders of the Red Army deservedly became universal1 recognized national heroes whose exploits have been interwoven in popular legend, and which even their bitterest enemies dare not- d. eny. The main core of the Chinese Red Army was the Fourt Army Corps which in 1928, under the command of Mao rung and Chu Teh, operated in the almost inaccessible m tains of Tsinkangshan in the province of Kiangsi and soon e heroic march into West Fukien. In the beginning of e Fourth Army Corps was joined by a regiment com-by Peng Teh- huai, which had rebelled against the Kuo- !& shed himself as one of the most talentedleaders of the Chinese Red Army. The Red Army grew rapidly and became hardened and produced its talented commanders. In 1928 it was 10,000 strong, but in 1929 its numbers had grown to 22,000. I n the beginning of 1930 there were already 19 Soviet dis-tricts each of which covered from one to four counties. In the Soviet districts the slogans of the agrarian revolution were put into pactice and the workers and peasants were given arms. The Soviet movement achieved the greatest success in the South and ceritral provinces of China in which favorable soil had been pre-pared by the revolution of 1925- 27. In May, 1930, the Red Army consisted of 13 army corps of a total strength of 62,000, more than half of which were furnished with rifles. # The Anti- Commtem Line of Li Li- san f the workers' and peasants' movement con- Communist Party of China with very complicated t time the Party had greatly strengthened its ranks contacts with the masses. In January, 1930, it had a ,528. The Party also grew stronger ideologi-tting the putschist tendencies which threatened y's ties with the workers and peasants, the Party waged a determined struggle against pessimistic nks, against its faint- hearted members who the revolution became pessimistic, lost their ctive and slipped into liquidationism. During the C. E. R. conflict the Party conducted a wide campaign in de-fettse of the U. S. S. R. in the course of which it proved its inter-nationalism in deeds and showed that it thoroughly understood ary tasks of the working class. what was in the main a correct line, up to the sum-the Communist Party achieved very important suc-cesses in all spheres of its activity. In the summer of 1930, how- \ 67 ever, when the revolutionary struggle was beginning to flare up again, the policy advocated by Li Li- san, which ran counter to the line of the Communist International, began to predominate in the leadership of the Party. Li Li- sanys policy was based on the assumption that the Chinese and world revolution would soon . ainst Li Li- san's semi- Trotskyist policy was hanghai section of the Party under the leadership This fight for a correct line was quite success-best forces of the Party around himself, Com-yu ( Wang Ming), one of the most prominent mittee, held in January, 193 1, that the political line of the rty leadership was straightened nut. The Fourth Plenum ected a new Party leadership, exposed the anti- Leninist char-ter of Li Li- san's policy and repelled the attempt of the ght opportunists to impose a defeatist program of retreat upon e Party. In doing this the Fourth Plenum played an extremely portant part in the further Bolshevization of the Party. The Growth of the Red Army e effect of the strengthening of the Communist Party was in the enormous new successes achieved by the Soviet move-t. The Red Army defeated the first campaign of the Kuo-ntang generals waged against the Soviet districts. This campaign s started in December, 1930. A Kuomintang army numbering 00 was hurled against the Soviet districts. But already in ry, 1931, the Red Army, after defeating more than five ing divisions, compelled the Kuomintang forces to retreat anic from the Soviet districts. The same fate awaited the d campaign against the Soviet districts which was started in , 193 1. Thanks to the heroic support of the working popula-he Red Army defeated the second campaign, notwithstanding numerical and, to a large extent, technical superiority of the conducted its military operations against the The victories of the Red Army led to a considerable e pansion of the territory of the Soviet government. The Army itself grew into a mighty force. In 1931 the regular of the Red Army already numbered 100,000. The streng the Red Guard was about the same. Several hundred thousand young workers and peasants belonged to the semi- military you organization known as the Young Guard. Such was the situation in China when the Japanese imperia ists invaded Manchuria and thus opened a new page in the histo of the colonial enslavement and partition of China. Japanese Occupation of Manchuria On September 18, 193 1, the Japanese imperialists started thei piratical war against China. In the course of several days their troops occupied all the most important centers of Manchuria. As a result of these operations Japanese imperialism usurped territo two and a half times the area of Japan itself. It reduced t 30,000,000 Chinese toilers inhabiting Manchuria to the position of colonial slaves. It was not difficult for the Japanese imperialists ~ o find a pretext for their invasion. They provoked anti- Chinese riots in Korea and Korean- Chinese conflicts in Manchuria. Then they seized upon the alleged murder on the frontiers of Mon-golia of a Japanese general staff officer named Nakamura. Finally, they seized upon the alleged destruction of the permanent way of the Japanese- owned South Manchurian Railway by Chinese sol-diers as the immediate pretext for starting their predatory war. Posing as the champions of justice and order the Japanese im-perialists poured into Manchuria. The real purpose of the Japanese invasion of Manchuria is to out the broad and far- reaching imperialist plans of the ese capitalists and landlords. By seizing Manchuria the apanese imperialists hope to entrench themselves on the Asiatic ainland, to use Manchuria as a place d'armes for a further attack rest of China, and to strengthen the position of imperialist in the Pacific and in the whole world. ot meeting with any serious resistance on the part of the ese generals, the Japanese imperialists occupied the three rovinces of Manchuria without any particular difficulty or ex-the Japanese militarists were not content with this. to lay their hands on the northern part of China and hanghai district. On January 21, 1932, the Japanese pre-ultimatum to the Chinese government demanding the of anti- Japanese organizations and the cessation of oycott of Japanese goods. On January 28 the Japanese riali? ts started military operations against the Chinese section usurpatory actions of the Japanese militarists gave a 1 impetus to the anti- imperialist struggle. The general Mukden and Anshan, the strike in all the Japanese hanghai, as well as a number of strikes and anti- Japanese and students' demonstrations in a rumber of other towns to the determination of the Chinese proletariat and of whole of the Chinese people to fight for the integrity and ndence of their country. broad partisan movement began to spread over Manchuria. guerilla warfare, which assumed a more and more per-ent and mass character, created increasing difficulty for the invaders. The heroic struggle which the workers, and soldiers of the 19th Army waged for two months ed the Japanese troops from capturing the Shanghai dis-was the treachery of the Nanking Kuomintang militarists led the Japanese to achieve their aims. Nevertheless, in he measures taken by the Nanking government to sup-anti- Japanese movement, the latter continued to grow. n petty bourgeoisie was once again drawn into the anti-struggle. The students of Peking, Shanghai, Nan-an fu and other cities organized huge anti- Ja of government buildings and the editorial intang newspaper. . situation the successes Revolution in Russia, the First Congress of Chinese Soviets opened in Juikin, in the province of Kiangsi. Prior to that t Red Army had defeated the third Kuomintang campaign again the Soviet districts. This campaign was started by Chiang Kai- sh on July 2, 1931. He marched against the Chinese Soviets at t head of an army of 300,000. At general headquarters as we as at divisional headquarters he had German military advisers. Nevertheless, on this occasion also the Red Army was vict The Nanking forces were utterly defeated. The Red routed 17 Kuomintang divisions and captured 25,000 rifles. this time the Red Army had grown to 150,000. At the time of the First Congress of Soviets the Soviet move-ment had spread to 300 counties having a population of several tens of millions. Six hundred and ten delegates attended the Congress, representing all the Soviet districts. The Congress, at which great enthusiasm prevailed, passed a number of laws whi indicated the main trend of policy of the Chinese Soviets, such a draft of the Constitution, a land law, a labor law, a law economic policy, resolutions on the Red Army, on the Sov state, on the national question, etc. A provisional central Soviet government was elected with Comrade Mao Tse- tung as presi-dent and Comrades Hsiang Yin and Chang Kuo- tao as vice-he draft Constitution that was adopted defined the aims inese Soviet Republic guarantees the which it passed officially formulated the policy of the ese Soviets in the various spheres of their activity. Of special mportance is the land law which was passed. How does t evolutionary democratic dictatorship of the proletariat santry in China achieve the revolutionary solution of arian problem? In the Soviet districts the land of the land1 d other big private landowners was confiscated without com-ensation. The confiscated land was divided among the easants. All verbal as well as written feudal and extortionate greements were annulled. All the debts of peasants and poor city dwellers to usurers were wiped off. Attempts to revive en-lavement for debt, or any other of the old relations between surer and debtor, are punished with all the severity of revolu-onary law. Freedom of action is granted to the revolutionary gricultural laborers' unions and groups of poor peasants which serve as the bulwark of the Soviets in the rural districts in bring-bout the revolutionary agrarian changes. The former numer-nd burdensome taxes have been superseded by a single gradu-tax, the whole burden of which falls upon the wealthy and J exploiting classes. At the same time the Soviets are taking measures to improve he technique of agriculture, to extend the area of cultivation, o improve the cultivation of the soil, and to increase the yield f crops. Soviet bodies are collecting selected seed and are supply-them to the peasant farms. They are increasing the output of e and other fertilizers for the peasant fields. They organize e repair and manufacture of agricultural imple and build new irrigation systems, and mobi for the purpose of carrying out the sowing a gns. As a result of all these measures the con of the peasantry in the Soviet districts t is true that before the First Congress of Soviets kes had been committed in a number of districts in c he agrarian policy. For example, in some pi ded on various pretexts in retaining possession o In other places agricultural laborers were not give " not to destroy the proletarian base in the rural dist were cases where local authorities would not grant land to Red Army men on the ground that " if they receive land they will no longer want to fight". In some districts the local authorities insisted upon dividing the land equally among all peasants with-out taking into consideration the desires and temper of the masses of the peasants. In other districts attempts were made to form collective farms and state farms before the conditions were ripe for this, etc. After the First ' Congress of Soviets mistakes and distortions of Soviet policy of this kind became more and more rare. The Labor Law and Cultural Work The workers in the Soviet districts also obtained considerable improvements. The eight- hour day has been introduced in all districts. For agricultural laborers the working day is fixed by agreement. The working day for young people is shorter than for adults. The principle of equal pay for equal work for men and women is applied. Conditions of labor have improved a great deal compared with what they were in the past, and this applies also to the behavior of employers toward their employees. The workers have secured considerable increases in wages. The overwhelming majority of the workers in the Soviet districts are organized in trade unions. The practical measures carried out by the Soviets in the interests of the workers and peasants help to awaken the broad masses of the toilers to active political life and stimulate the growth of their organization and political consciousness. All sorts of public organizations seethe with activity. The revolutionary initia-tive of the common people is developing. This is facilitated by the emancipation of women and the complete equality of the toilers f the various nationalities. A very important part in the life of the viet districts is played by the trade unions, at the head of which the member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party, omrade Liu Shao- chi. he workers and peasants are displaying a strong desire for n. A wide network of educational institutions has been ed. For example, in the county of Ningtu, where formerly ere were only a few schools, there are now 350 elementary Is, 580 evening schools, 13 clubs and numerous circles for dation of illiteracy. successes of the Soviet movement and the historic vic-the Red Army have placed China in the front rank of nal revolutionary movement in the colonial world. The Second Congress of Soviets All these gains of the Chinese workers and peasants were olidated at the Second Congress of Soviets where, also, easures for the further improvement of the conditions of the ilers were put forward. The Second Congress of Soviets was opened on January 22, 934, in the town of Juikin. There were present 821 delegates and about 1,5 00 visitors. The social composition of the delegates eresting. According to the report of the Credentials Com-e, among the delegates there were eight industrial workers, artisans, 5 3 coolies, two shop assistants, 122 agricultural borers, 303 poor peasants, 25 middle peasants and 64 small shop-s, students, professional people and others. the period between the First and Second Congresses of the the Chinese Red Army defeated the fourth and fifth ns of the Kuomintang generals against the Soviet dis- I t is well known that instead of fighting the Japanese ialists the Nanking Kuomintang concentrated all its forces suppression of the Soviet movement. In February, 1932, uomintang started its fourth campaign and in the summer 3 it organized its fiftn" campaign against the Soviet districts. h it was defeated, and the strength and prestige of the nese Red Army and of the Chinese Soviets were greatly The most outstanding item on the agenda of the Second ress of Soviets was the report of the President of the Soviet nment, Comrade Mao Tse- tung. In the course of his report ao Tse- tung strikingly summed up the results of the past rs of struggle and indicated definite measures for mobilizing masses to repel the sixth Kuomintang campaign which was icipated. He quoted interesting facts indicating the gains which e workers had achieved in the Soviet districts. Conditions of labor had improved and wages had risen. As a result of the agrarian reforms the conditions of the masses of the peasantry had markedly improved. In the course of one year, the yield of the peasant fields had increased 20 per cent. " Compared with the Kuomintang period the lives of the peasants had to eat the bark of trees, grass, etc. At the present time, not only has year to year. I

Creator

Mif, P. (Pavel)

Source

New York : Workers Library Publishers

Date

digitized 6/7/2007

Contributor

Lewis and Clark College

Rights

This image is available for educational and research purposes, provided due recognition is given to the author. Transmission or reproduction of protected items beyond fair use requires the permission of Lewis & Clark College.

Format

pdf

Language

eng

Type

pamphlet

Identifier

lc0007

Coverage

China
China - Republic of China 1911 - 1949
1937

Files

https://s3.amazonaws.com/omeka-net/9473/archive/files/a277f8278dc7a1d8878d801068627564.pdf
https://s3.amazonaws.com/omeka-net/9473/archive/files/a277f8278dc7a1d8878d801068627564.pdf

Citation

Mif, P. (Pavel), “Heroic China,” ASIANetwork IDEAS Project, accessed December 17, 2017, http://www.ideasproject.org/items/show/1373.